Ethiopie
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Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi. File photo
Mr Zenawi said Ethiopia had been testing the jamming equipment

Ethiopia has admitted it is jamming the Voice of America's (VOA) broadcasts in Amharic, accusing the radio station of engaging in "destabilising propaganda".

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said Ethiopia had been testing jamming equipment, although there had been no formal decision to bloc the US station.

The Amharic Service has experienced interference since late February.

Mr Meles also compared the VOA's transmissions to broadcasts in Rwanda in the mid-1990s that incited genocide.

'Unfortunate' comments

"We have for some time now been trying to beef up our capacity to deal with this, including... jamming," Mr Meles said on Thursday.

In a statement, VOA director Danforth Austin said that any comparison of VOA programming to Rwandan broadcasts inciting genocide in the 1990s was "incorrect and unfortunate".

"The VOA deplores jamming as a form of media censorship wherever it may occur," he said, adding that the station's Amharic Service was required by law to provide accurate and objective information.

The VOA and other foreign media organisations say broadcasts in Amharic - the country's most widely spoken language - have been jammed around elections in the past.

The next polls in Ethiopia are in May and human rights groups say there has been a crackdown on the press.

The last elections saw opposition accusations of widespread rigging.

Thousands of opposition supporters were arrested after protests and some western countries reduced aid to Ethiopia.

Separately, Mr Meles again denied claims in a recent BBC report that he had ordered the diversion of food aid money to buy arms to fight the government in the 1980s.

"We did not need to [do it]. We were not short of ammunition or arms. That was never our problem. Our main problem was that we were operating in an environmentally very fragile area unable to feed itself," he said.

Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi. File photo
Mr Zenawi said Ethiopia had been testing the jamming equipment

Ethiopia has admitted it is jamming the Voice of America's (VOA) broadcasts in Amharic, accusing the radio station of engaging in "destabilising propaganda".

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said Ethiopia had been testing jamming equipment, although there had been no formal decision to bloc the US station.

The Amharic Service has experienced interference since late February.

Mr Meles also compared the VOA's transmissions to broadcasts in Rwanda in the mid-1990s that incited genocide.

'Unfortunate' comments

"We have for some time now been trying to beef up our capacity to deal with this, including... jamming," Mr Meles said on Thursday.

In a statement, VOA director Danforth Austin said that any comparison of VOA programming to Rwandan broadcasts inciting genocide in the 1990s was "incorrect and unfortunate".

"The VOA deplores jamming as a form of media censorship wherever it may occur," he said, adding that the station's Amharic Service was required by law to provide accurate and objective information.

The VOA and other foreign media organisations say broadcasts in Amharic - the country's most widely spoken language - have been jammed around elections in the past.

The next polls in Ethiopia are in May and human rights groups say there has been a crackdown on the press.

The last elections saw opposition accusations of widespread rigging.

Thousands of opposition supporters were arrested after protests and some western countries reduced aid to Ethiopia.

Separately, Mr Meles again denied claims in a recent BBC report that he had ordered the diversion of food aid money to buy arms to fight the government in the 1980s.

"We did not need to [do it]. We were not short of ammunition or arms. That was never our problem. Our main problem was that we were operating in an environmentally very fragile area unable to feed itself," he said.

Bob Geldof rages against the "thoroughly discredited BBC World Service programme that claimed that nigh on the entire humanitarian relief effort by all aid agencies during the Ethiopian famine was diverted to arms" (My rage at this calumny, 10 March).

But the BBC report was not specifically about Band Aid. Nor does it discredit the World Service to report on international aid deliveries during the Ethiopian crisis of the 1980s. The real issue is about the way humanitarian assistance to victims of war and famine was – and still is – manipulated by all sides, whether rebel or government.

As a foreign correspondent reporting on humanitarian crisis zones and conflicts in Africa and Asia during this period, I consider myself "one of the dozens of journalists of record" who covered the region. The BBC report referred to a situation that anyone familiar with the politics of aid knows only too well. Geldof, whose commitment I have always admired, comes off as naive and self-righteous.

It is not "weird" that journalists at the time failed to discover the story, as Geldof asserts. Aid always has been – and still is – ripped off by warring factions no matter how well-meaning or competent the international aid agencies. This is simply the nature of conflict and humanitarian crisis. Aid is a resource to be exploited, whether for weapons, personal gain or political power. The Pakistanis and Afghan mujahideen did it; Angola's Unita rebels did it; and so did the government and guerrillas in Ethiopia. Organisations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross openly and transparently assume that some of their aid (30% in Somalia) will be stolen.

During the 1980s, I had regular contact with guerrilla groups in the Horn of Africa, such as the TPLF (including its humanitarian wing, Rest), the EPLF and ELF. I also reported from the government side out of Addis. All did their best to dupe both aid workers and journalists.

Rest, for example, was extremely well organised. It provided impressive humanitarian surveys, such as the number of lactating mothers in specific villages and refugee camps. However, there was no way of verifying whether all the aid was actually going through or not. Inside the guerrilla zones Rest always controlled what you saw and where you travelled. The Ethiopian Dergue did exactly the same thing.

Everything was elaborate while the show was on, but the moment one left it was a different matter. Once I visited a bustling "government displaced centre" near the Sudanese border. Twenty minutes after leaving I returned because I had forgotten my jacket. The camp was empty. It had been a complete charade in a bid to solicit international sympathy and funding.

No aid organisation working in the region during those days can truthfully assert that 100% of its assistance reached the victims. One only needed to visit the bazaars of Kasala, Omdurman and Addis, where bags of donated wheat and other relief were openly sold. While the abuse may not have been 95%, the BBC report raised the right questions and in a proper journalistic manner.

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
March 11, 2010

 

 

Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. The population is estimated at 77 million. In the 2005 parliamentary elections, the EPRDF won a majority of seats to remain the ruling party for a third consecutive five-year term. In local and by-elections held in April 2008, the EPRDF and allied parties took virtually all of the more than three million open seats contested nationwide. Prior to the vote, ruling coalition agents and supporters used coercive tactics and manipulation of the electoral process, including intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters. Political parties were predominantly ethnically based, and opposition parties remained splintered. During the year fighting between government forces, including local militias, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, nationalist, insurgent movement operating in the Somali Region, resulted in continued allegations of human rights abuses, particularly diversion of food aid from intended beneficiaries suffering from a severe drought. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were numerous instances in which elements within those forces acted independently of government authority.

 

Human rights abuses reported during the year included unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, often acting with evident impunity; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; police, administrative and judicial corruption; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens' privacy rights, including illegal searches; use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counterinsurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists; restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital mutilation (FGM); exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities and religious and ethnic minorities; and government interference in union activities, including harassment of union leaders.

 

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

 

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

 

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

 

Security forces committed arbitrary and politically motivated killings during the year.

 

Government forces, including militias, and armed elements of the ONLF were responsible for targeted killings in the Somali region during the year (see section 1.g.).

 

On January 7, local police shot and killed Debasu Yengusie Mengesha and teacher Gobeze Wudu, residents of Yetnora kebele (neighborhood) in the Amhara Region while they were leaving a bar. The perpetrators were detained and remained under investigation at year's end.

 

On February 25, students at Gedo Secondary School (West Shoa Zone, Oromiya region) found a flier containing hateful remarks about Oromos. When the school principal delayed in investigating the case, Oromo students refused to attend classes and demonstrated inside the school compound. The principal called local police, who ordered students to disperse. When they refused, police shot and killed Wendimu Damena, a 19-year-old student. Another student, 20-year-old Belay Motuma, was shot in the chest and remained hospitalized at year's end. Two students, Berecha Folesa and Tamari Melaku Weyesa, were arrested during the demonstration and were released on bail on March 9. On March 17, six school administration employees and one agricultural bureau employee, all of whom were opposition Oromo People's Congress (OPC) candidates in the 2008 local elections, were arrested and charged with inciting violence. The case remained pending at year's end.

 

In October 2008 local police and militia in Zeba kebele (Dejen woreda, East Gojam zone, Amhara Region) shot and killed three brothers--Yayeh Yirad Assefa, Negusu Assefa, and Temesgen Assefa. The brothers were reportedly suspected of killing a militiaman from Najima kebele on the same date. There was no official investigation into the incident.

 

There were no developments in the July 2008 killing of opposition political party All Ethiopia Unity Party (AEUP) supporter Aschalew Taye.

 

In 2007 Welelaw Muche, a supporter of the former opposition party Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) in Enamrit town (West Gojjam zone, Mecha woreda, Amhara region) was shot and killed, reportedly by a government militiaman. On May 6, a government newspaper acknowledged the death but said that the killer remained unknown.

 

According to a May government report, Tamene Tadesse, Gue town security chief, was charged with use of excessive force and was sentenced to 15 years in prison for the 2007 fatal shootings of two students in Gue town (Oromiya region).

 

There were no developments in any cases of other 2007 killings.

 

Addis Ababa and other areas experienced bombings that killed civilians during the year. Although no one claimed responsibility, the government charged the bombings were the work of insurgent groups or agents of Eritrea. On April 14, a land mine exploded in the Danakil Depression area of the Afar Region, killing two persons and wounding two. The government claimed the South Red Sea Rebel Liberation Front was responsible, although this remained unconfirmed.

 

There were no developments in the following 2008 bombing cases: the Humera public bus bombing; the Humera school explosion; the Addis Ababa gas station bombing; the minibus bombing allegedly committed by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF); the bombing of two hotels in Negele Borena, Oromiya region; the Merkato bombing; and the Jijiga hotel bombing.

 

On December 15, two hand grenades thrown into a crowded cafe in Kebri Dehar town, Somali region, killed one woman and wounded nine. The government claimed the perpetrators were four Eritreans supporting the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front. Perpetrators are in police custody pending investigation.

 

Clashes between ethnic clans during the year resulted in hundreds of deaths (see section 6).

 

b. Disappearance

 

There were reports of politically motivated disappearances.

 

In February 2008, Alexander Gebre Meskel, a 40-year-old resident of Kirkos subcity, Addis Ababa, disappeared. He previously reported to his family that he was being followed by security forces. His whereabouts remained unknown at year's end.

 

There were no developments in the 2008 disappearances of Ethiopian Teacher's Association members Tilahun Ayalew and Anteneh Getnet.

 

There were no developments in the following reported 2007 disappearances: Yohannes Woldu Girma Tesfaye Ayana, Befekadu Bulti Merri, Mulatu Gebremichel, Ismail Blatta, Daniel Worku, and Amha Yirga.

 

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

 

Although the constitution and law prohibit the use of torture and mistreatment, there were numerous credible reports that security officials tortured, beat, and mistreated detainees. Opposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias.

 

Numerous reliable sources confirmed that in Maekelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators often used physical abuse to extract confessions. Several political prisoners who were held at Maekelawi and other nontraditional detention facilities independently alleged in credible detail that they and other detainees were tortured in police station jails in attempts by security officials to elicit confessions before their cases went to trial. Abuses reportedly include being blindfolded and hung by the wrists for several hours, bound by chains and beaten, held in solitary confinement for several days to weeks or months, subjected to mental torture such as harassment and humiliation, forced to stand for more than 16 hours, and having heavy objects hung from the genitalia. The government generally denied reports of torture in detention centers and did not respond to specific reports of abuse.

 

Several of the defendants in the Ginbot Seven trial, who were arrested on April 24 and charged with attempting to engage in terrorist activities, reported harsh physical abuse and torture during pretrial interrogations. On November 13, defendants reported to the court that they were tortured by prison guards. A government spokesman denied the allegations. In December the Federal High Court convicted 40 defendants, pronouncing death sentences on Berhanu Nega, Muluneh Eyoel, Andargachew Tsige), Mesfin Aman (all charged in absentia), and Melaku Teferra.

 

The court pronounced life sentences on 33 convicted defendants: Alehubel Amare (charged in abstentia); Yaregal Yimam (charged in abstentia); Dan (full name not available; charged in abstentia); Aweke Afewerk (charged in abstentia); Dereje Habtewold (charged in abstentia); Daniel Assefa (charged in abstentia); Chekol Getahun (charged in abstentia); Efrem Madebo (charged in abstentia); Fasil Yenealem (charged in abstentia) Brigadier General Teferra Mamo; Asamnew Tsige; Tsige Habtemaryam; Mengistu Abebe; Lt. Col. Solomon Ashagre; Lt. Col. Alemu Getenet; Major Mesekere Kassa; Lt. Col. Getachew Berele; Captain Temesgen Bayleyegn; Getu Worku; Lt. Col. Fantahun Muhaba; Lt. Col. Abere Asefa; Major Misganaw Tessema; Yeshiwas Mengesha; Emawayish Alemu; Lt. Col. Demsew Anteneh; Yeshiwas Mitiku; Gobena Belay; Amerar Bayabil; Goshirad Tsegaw; Wudneh Temesgen; Yibeltal Birhanu; Major Mekonen Worku; Kifle Sinshaw.

 

The court sentenced two convicted defendants--Major Adugna Alemayehu and Major Adefris Asaminew--who had pled guilty to 10 years in a maximum security prison and deprivation of civil rights for four years.

 

There were no developments in the February 2008 beating of Gelaye Tadele while in local police custody in Arba Minch town of the Southern Nations region.

 

There were no developments in the 2007 case of Ayena Cheri, who was arrested on suspicion of being a member of the OLF and who has alleged repeated severe beatings while in detention.

 

Nine of the 37 CUD members arrested and tortured in 2006 remained in prison at year's end.

 

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

 

The country has three federal and 117 regional prisons. There are several unofficial detention centers operating throughout the country, including in Dedessa, Bir Sheleko, Tolay, Hormat, Blate, Tatek, Jijiga, Holeta, and Senkele. Most are located at military camps and were allegedly used as overflow detention centers following mass arrests.

 

Prison and pretrial detention center conditions remained harsh and in some cases life threatening. Severe overcrowding was common, especially in sleeping quarters. The government provided approximately eight birr ($0.60) per prisoner per day for food, water, and health care. Many prisoners supplemented this with daily food deliveries from family members or by purchasing food from local vendors. Medical care was unreliable in federal prisons and almost nonexistent in regional prisons. Water shortages caused unhygienic conditions, and most prisons lacked appropriate sanitary facilities.

 

While statistics were unavailable, there were some deaths in prison due to illness and poor health care. Prison officials were not forthcoming about reports of such deaths. Several pardoned political prisoners had serious health problems in detention but received little treatment. In Shashamene Correctional Facility, four inmates died during an epidemic in 2008 due to lack of medical attention, according to a report by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC).

 

In December 2008 the EHRC reported there were 80,974 persons in prison, of whom 2,123 were women and 487 were children detained with their mothers. Juveniles were often incarcerated with adults, sometimes with adults who were awaiting execution. Men and women prisoners were generally, but not always, separated. Authorities generally permitted visitors but sometimes arbitrarily denied visit requests. In some cases family visits to political prisoners were restricted to a few per year. Pretrial detainees were often held together with convicted prisoners.

 

During the year the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited regional prisons only but remained barred from visiting any sites in the Somali region. The government continued to prevent ICRC representatives from visiting police stations and federal prisons throughout the country including those where opposition, civil society, and media leaders were held. Regional authorities allowed the ICRC to meet regularly with prisoners without third parties being present. The ICRC also continued to visit civilian Eritrean nationals and local citizens of Eritrean origin detained on alleged national security grounds.

 

The local nongovernmental (NGO) Prison Fellowship Ethiopia (JFA-PFE) was granted access to various prison and detention facilities, including federal prisons. JFA-PFE operated a "model" prison in Adama with significantly better conditions compared with other prisons. JFA-PFE reported that the government was supportive of their efforts. The government also periodically granted diplomatic missions access to regional prisons and prison officials, subject to advance notification.

 

During the year the government established regional "Justice Forums" throughout the country to improve coordination among the Ministry of Justice (MOJ), Regional Security, and the Prison Administration. The government increased the budget allocated for constructing new prisons to alleviate overcrowding.

 

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

 

Although the constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the government frequently did not observe these provisions in practice.

 

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

 

The Federal Police Commission reports to the Ministry of Federal Affairs, which is subordinate to the parliament; however, this subordination is loose in practice. Local militias also operated as local security forces largely independent of the police and military. Corruption remained a problem, particularly among traffic police who routinely solicited bribes. Impunity also remained a serious problem. According to sources at government agencies, the government rarely publicly disclosed the results of investigations into abuses by local security forces, such as arbitrary detentions and beatings of civilians. The federal police acknowledged that many of its members as well as regional police lacked professionalism. In July the Addis Ababa Police Commission fired 444 staff members, including high-ranking officials, for involvement in serious crimes including armed robbery, rape, and theft. There were no prosecutions of those dismissed.

 

The government continued efforts to train police and army recruits in human rights. During the year the government continued to seek assistance from the ICRC, JFA-PFE, and EHRC to improve and professionalize its human-rights training and curriculum by including more material on the constitution and international human rights treaties and conventions. JFA-PFE conducted human rights training for police commissioners and members of the militia.

 

Arrest Procedures and Treatment While in Detention

 

Authorities regularly detained persons without warrants and denied access to counsel and family members, particularly in outlying regions. Although the law requires detainees to be brought to court and charged within 48 hours, this generally was not respected in practice. While there was a functioning bail system, it was not available in murder, treason, and corruption cases. In most cases authorities set bail between 500 and 10,000 birr ($40 and $800), which was too costly for most citizens. Police officials did not always respect court orders to release suspects on bail. With court approval, persons suspected of serious offenses can be detained for 14 days and for additional 14-day periods if an investigation continues. The law prohibits detention in any facilities other than an official detention center; however, there were dozens of unofficial local detention centers used by local government militia and other formal and informal law enforcement entities. The government provided public defenders for detainees unable to afford private legal counsel, but only when their cases went to court. While in pretrial detention, authorities allowed such detainees little or no contact with legal counsel. Police continued to enter private residences and arrest individuals without warrants (see section 1.f.). Opposition party members consistently and credibly reported that in small towns, authorities detained persons in police stations for long periods without charge or access to a judge, and that sometimes these persons' whereabouts were unknown for several months. Opposition parties registered many complaints during the year that government militias beat and detained their supporters.

 

On April 24, security officials detained 32 persons allegedly affiliated with Ginbot Seven, an external opposition group, for their suspected involvement in a terrorist assassination plot. Those charged included several current and retired army officers, including two generals, along with senior opposition political figures. Those detained were held for more than a month without charges while police gathered evidence, during which time family members were not informed of their whereabouts. The detainees were denied pretrial access to legal counsel, and several alleged mistreatment while in detention. On August 6, the Federal High Court found 13 other defendants guilty in absentia, one not guilty in absentia, and the 32 who were detained were ordered to present their defense cases. Of the 32, the court acquitted five defendants on November 19. On December 22, the court sentenced 40 Ginbot Seven defendants: five to death, 33 to life terms, and two to 10 years' imprisonment.

 

On May 27, customs authorites detained Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) chairman and prominent human rights lawyer Abebe Worke and Voice Of America (VOA) reporter Meleskachew Amha for allegedly attempting to illegally sell imported duty-free publishing equipment that belonged to Addis Broadcasting Company (ABC), of which both were shareholders (see section 2.a.). Meleskachew and Abebe were detained at the Customs Authority compound, not a formal detention facility, for 12 days before being released on bail. Abebe fled the country for fear of persecution. On July 15, the Federal First Instance Court dropped all charges against Meleskachew due to lack of evidence. Abebe was sentenced in absentia to one year's imprisonment and fined 1.4 million birr ($112,000).

 

ABC General Manager Amelework Tadesse and three others were arrested on the same date. Amelework was charged with attempting to illegally sell duty-free equipment to a third party. The other cases were dropped due to lack of evidence. Amelework's case was pending at year's end.

 

On June 1, Werebabo woreda, Bistima, town officials (South Wollo zone, Amhara region) arrested EHRCO investigator Mulugeta Fentaw. Mulugeta was returning home after investigating alleged cases of harassment of opposition political party Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) members in Bistima town. While waiting at a bus stop, Werebabo woreda Security Chief Makonnen Hussein confiscated Mulugeta's notebook, which contained sensitive summaries of his interviews. Immediately thereafter, police accused Mulugeta of stealing 2,000 birr ($160) and arrested him. At the police station he was searched, and when police found only 200 birr ($16) in his possession, they modified the charge to claim that he stole only 200 birr ($16). Mulugeta was arrested and jailed for three days. He was brought to the woreda court on June 3, where he was convicted and sentenced to eight months' imprisonment. He appealed to the zonal high court. On July 17, the high court dismissed the case, stating that such acts by the woreda court eroded public confidence in the judiciary. The woreda administration appealed and brought another charge of "tarnishing the reputation of woreda officials by bringing false witnesses." Mulugeta again appealed to the high court, which dismissed the case.

 

One of Mulugeta's defense witnesses, Alemu Abaineh, was arrested a couple of days after testifying in court. He was accused of stealing and carrying antitank grenades and plotting to attack the militia. He was sentenced to four years' imprisonment. He appealed to the high court and was released on bail. The trial continued at year's end.

 

According to government reports, of those opposition AEUP members arrested at a Chendiba wedding in 2008, Wagnew Tadesse, Demissie Yehualla, Kolagie Jegne, Teffera Akemu, and Setegne Tadege were released, while Mekuanent Seneshaw, Alehegne Mekuanent, Kifle Tadege, and Endale Tadege remained in prison at year's end, charged with holding an illegal political gathering in the form of a wedding.

 

There were no developments in the 2007 case in which Kenyan authorities turned over to the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) 150 suspected fighters in Somalia, at least 10 of whom remained in ENDF custody.

 

In October 2008 officials arrested at least 53 ethnic Oromos (possibly as many as 200) for alleged support of the banned OLF. Of the 53 persons arrested, 38 were released, and the cases of the remaining 15 were pending at year's end.

 

In 2007 security forces arrested approximately 450 individuals, many of whom were opposition party members, suspected of supporting the OLF or carrying out terrorist activity. Of the 148 who remained in jail at the end of 2008, 35 were sentenced during the year to four to 14 years' imprisonment, while the remaining 113 were released.

 

Following a 2008 investigation on prison conditions, the EHRC reported that the overwhelming majority of detainees in prisons were held on pending charges. For example, only 10 percent of prisoners in Gambella prison had been convicted and 46 percent of those in Addis Ababa. Some prisoners reported being detained for several years without being charged and without trial. A lack of modern record-keeping systems resulted in prisoners sometimes not benefiting from parole and not receiving credit for time served.

 

In May the director general of the Federal Police reported that 65 percent of the 45,000 criminal cases filed at the federal first instance court in 2008 were eventually dropped due to lack of evidence or witnesses.

 

Amnesty

 

On September 10, regional authorities in the Amhara and Oromiya regions granted amnesty to 9,612 prisoners.

 

On October 5, the government granted amnesty to 384 prisoners based on a recommendation from the National Pardon Board.

 

On December 15, the government granted amnesty to 10 leaders and members of the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy based on a recommendation from the National Pardon Board.

 

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

 

The law provides for an independent judiciary. Although the civil courts operated with independence, the criminal courts remained weak, overburdened, and subject to significant political intervention and influence. Constitutional interpretation remains solely the responsibility of the upper house of parliament, consisting exclusively of ruling party members, which also handles judicial appointments and reviews judicial conduct. In practice courts have discretion to convict defendants on charges not raised by the prosecution.

 

The government continued to decentralize and restructure the judiciary along federal lines with the establishment of courts at the district, zonal, and regional levels. The Federal High Court and the Federal Supreme Court heard and adjudicated original and appeal cases involving federal law, transregional matters, and national security. The regional judiciary was increasingly autonomous.

 

Regional offices of the federal MOJ monitored local judicial developments. Some regional courts had jurisdiction over both local and federal matters, as the federal courts in those jurisdictions had not begun operation; overall, the federal judicial presence in the regions was limited. Because of this, many citizens residing in rural areas did not have reasonable access to the federal judicial system at any level and were effectively forced to rely on traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms such as the Elders' Councils. Several women complained of lack of access to free and fair hearings in the traditional justice system because they were excluded from participation in the Elders' Councils and because there was strong gender discrimination in rural areas.

 

Some local officials believed they were not accountable to a higher authority.

 

The judicial system severely lacked experienced staff, sometimes making the application of the law unpredictable. The government continued to train lower court judges and prosecutors and made effective judicial administration the primary focus of the training. To address overcrowding, in October the government allocated 147 million birr ($11.76 million ) to construct five new courthouses in Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa.

 

In the country's judicial system, there are federal and regional criminal courts. There are federal first instance courts, high courts, and the Supreme Court. There are also regional first instance courts and high courts. The Supreme Court maintains appellate authority over all courts.

 

The law provides legal standing to some preexisting religious and traditional courts and allows federal and regional legislatures to recognize decisions of such courts. By law all parties to a dispute must agree to use a traditional or religious court before such a court may hear a case, and either party can appeal to a regular court at any time. Shari'a (Islamic) courts may hear religious and family cases involving Muslims. In addition other traditional systems of justice, such as Councils of Elders, continued to function. These customary courts resolved disputes for the majority of citizens who lived in rural areas and generally had little access to formal judicial systems.

 

The federal first instance court's seventh criminal branch, headed by three judges, handled cases involving juvenile offenses and cases of sexual abuse of women and children. There was a large backlog of juvenile cases, and accused children often remained in detention with adults until officials heard their cases. There were also credible reports that domestic violence and rape cases were often significantly delayed and given low priority.

 

On July 7, the parliament passed the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to address growing terrorist threats. Several human rights organizations raised concerns over the law's broad definition of terrorism, severe penalties, broad rules of evidence, and discretionary powers afforded police and security forces.

 

Criminal matters related to the military are handled by military tribunals. Military tribunals may not try civilians except in cases of national security. The military justice system lacked adequately trained staff to handle a growing caseload.

 

On November 10, the Federal Supreme Court sentenced Judge Girma Tiku, former president of the First Instance Court for Urban Affairs of Lideta subcity, Addis Ababa, to seven years' imprisonment and a fine of 1,000 birr ($80) on corruption charges.

 

There were no developments in the two 2008 MOJ corruption cases against judges.

 

Trial Procedures

 

According to the law, accused persons have the right to a fair public trial by a court of law within a "reasonable time," a presumption of innocence, the right to be represented by legal counsel of their choice, and the right to appeal. However, in contrast with previous years and in limited cases, closed proceedings took place, and at times authorities allowed detainees little or no contact with legal counsel The court system does not practice trial by juries. In principle those charged have a presumption of innocence until proven guilty.

 

Judicial inefficiency, lengthy trial delays, and lack of qualified staff often resulted in serious delays in trial proceedings. The Federal High Court remained open for a month and a half during its regular recess period in August and September to try to reduce the backlog of cases. The Public Defender's Office provides legal counsel to indigent defendants, although its scope and quality of service remained limited due to the shortage of attorneys. Although the law explicitly stipulates that persons charged with corruption are to be shown the evidence against them prior to their trials, several credible sources reported that authorities routinely denied defense counsel pretrial access to such evidence. The government did not establish an execution date for the 19 former Derg officials sentenced to death in 2006 for crimes of genocide, treason, and murder. All remained on death row at year's end, except Colonel Mengistu, who was in exile in Zimbabwe. According to a May government report, religious leaders requested that the government reduce the sentences of former Derg officials. The government had not responded at year's end.

 

Political Prisoners and Detainees

 

Domestic and international NGOs estimated there were several hundred political prisoners and detainees. There were numerous credible reports of unlawful detention of opposition candidates and their supporters.

 

In September several opposition party leaders reported an intensification of arrests of opposition supporters, especially in the Oromiya and Amhara regions. Opposition parties published lists of members and supporters arrested in the past three months, including more than 360 in the Oromiya region and 230 in the Amhara region.

 

On July 4, Nimona Tuffa, a student at Hayume Medical College in Ambo and an opposition OPC member, was picked up by Oromiya Regional Security officials dressed in civilian clothes in Guder town. Nimona reported that security officials, including Head of Security of West Shoa Zone Tesfaye Sime, beat him, first in a nearby forest and later at the Ambo Oromo People's Democratic Organization (part of the EPRDF coalition) office, where they pressured him to sign a statement admitting he was a member of the OLF. He eventually signed. When released, Nimona was hospitalized for severe nerve-ending damage, hearing damage, and back injuries. The case was raised with the government, but no action had been taken at year's end.

 

In November 2008 Lema Merga, Secretary General of OPC in Southwest Shoa zone (Oromiya Region, central Ethiopia), reported he was picked up by local security officials from Wolisso town without a warrant and transported 54 miles) to Sebeta town, where he was detained. He was released on November 21 without ever appearing in court.

 

In mid-October 2008 approximately 20 persons, including prominent Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) member Makonnin Dheressa, were arrested and placed under the custody of the Federal Army at the Army Camp in Dembe Dollo. All were released before year's end.

 

In late October/early November 2008, police, local authorities, and ruling party cadres arrested 16 second-tier leaders from various opposition parties engaged in community outreach or opening new offices throughout the country. On August 12, one of the defendants was found not guilty, and the remaining 15 were ordered to present their defenses. Their cases remained pending at year's end. For example, OFDM secretary general Bekele Jirata was charged with recruiting and organizing OLF members, promoting OLF terrorist activities, and financially supporting the OLF. Bekele Jirata was released on bail on February 4, but his case was pending at the end of the year.

 

There was no development in the March 2008 arrest of opposition CUD supporter Chaka Robi. He remained in police custody at year's end. No charges were known to have been filed.

 

Popular singer Tewodros Kassahun (known as Teddy Afro) appealed his 2006 manslaughter conviction, and the court reduced his sentence from six to two years. He was released from prison on August 13. Some of Tewodros' songs were critical of the government.

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2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices

http://www.abbaymedia.com/Image_Bank/Zenawi%20%26%20Geldof.jpgAddis Ababa – Bob Geldof said in Nairobi, Kenya that donor organizations involved in the distribution of relief in 19984/85 famine in Ethiopia at the time had condemned BBC’s recent allegation while discussing with Prime Minister Meles Zeanwi on Monday.

BBC’s allegation alleges that millions of pounds raised through Bob Geldof’s Live Aid concerts were diverted to fund TPLF rebel military operations in northern Ethiopia.

Bob Geldof upped the ante in the row between Band Aid and the BBC yesterday by calling for the director of the BBC World Service, Peter Horrocks – who is also the BBC's director of global news – to be sacked.

The musician-turned-poverty campaigner also called for two other BBC journalists to be fired after various BBC news outlets claimed that 95 per cent of the $100m aid donated, by Live Aid and others, to fight famine in rebel-held northern Ethiopia in 1985 was diverted to be spent on weapons.

Geldof, who organised the Live Aid concerts that raised $250m to tackle famine Africa, also lamented the "intense systemic failure of the World Service", which he said was once the jewel in the BBC's journalistic crown.

He claimed there had been a "total collapse of standards and systems at the World Service which has a special and particular duty of care to the truth".

The Band Aid Trust is preparing an official complaint to the broadcasting regulator Ofcom about the BBC story, which ran on all main BBC news outlets as well as the World Service.

Last night, the Live Aid organiser called for the sackings of Mr Horrocks, Andrew Whitehead, the World Service news and current affairs editor, and Martin Plaut, the originator of the story, which Geldof claimed was "thoroughly discredited and sexed up".

Geldof said he was doubly disappointed because he had always been a great supporter of the World Service. He said it "beggared belief" that BBC journalists could take seriously a claim that 95 per cent of the aid to Tigray was spent on weapons. "Where were all the dead people then? If no one was getting food, why was nobody dying? That would have been one of the first questions I'd have asked," he added. There were not many deaths in Tigray "because they were getting help – and massive amounts of it", he insisted.

In an article in today's Guardian newspaper, Geldof says the BBC World Service has a particular duty of care "because in thousands of small rooms in the many dark spots of our planet, people huddle secretly and in great danger [to listen to the World Service] to hear the reality and the truth behind their situation. And to tabloid all that away of an instant? Tragic beyond measure".

He claims that the reporter, Mr Plaut, and his producers and editors, have, on the basis of unsubstantiated claims, compromised the neutrality of the Red Cross, which relies on its neutrality for access to war zones, dungeons and concentration camps.

"Just as the Ross-Brand affair exposed the systemic weaknesses of the BBC in the area of entertainment, so this now does in the news sector of the World Service – with far more drastic consequences," Geldof adds. "Why did alarm bells not go off early on in this sorry tale? Where were the checks, balances, neutrality, even-handedness? They all failed at the World Service."

Senior White House advisers, high-level United Nations delegates, senior British diplomats, many aid agencies, and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia who led the Tigray rebels at the time, had all refuted the BBC story, Geldof insisted, "and yet the World Service is so far off the rails it cannot recognise or acknowledge the truth".

In addition to the sackings of the three journalists, he wants an immediate investigation into what he claims went wrong. "Steps should be taken to rectify the identified faults," he says. "The World Service must work very hard to re-establish its hard-won and trusted reputation as the world broadcaster of excellence."

The Independent asked for an interview with Mr Whitehead but a BBC spokesman said: "Sorry, we won't be able to accommodate your request."

Bob Geldof demands proof of BBC Ethiopia aid report

Bob Geldof: "If there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government"

Bob Geldof has challenged the BBC to substantiate its report that millions raised for famine relief in Ethiopia were diverted to pay for weapons.

The anti-poverty campaigner said there was "not a shred of evidence" Band Aid or Live Aid money was siphoned off.

The report included claims that substantial sums of aid that went into rebel-held areas of Tigray province in 1985 were used to buy arms.

The BBC World Service has said it is standing by its report.

Mr Geldof told BBC One's Andrew Marr show he would personally sue the Ethiopian government and spend the money on aid if any evidence was produced.

'Credible voices'

He said: "Produce me one shred of evidence and I promise you I will professionally investigate it, I will professionally report it, and if there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government for that money back and I will spend it on aid.

"There is not a single shred of evidence that Band Aid or Live Aid money was diverted in any sense, it could not have been."

The news and current affairs editor at the World Service, Andrew Whitehead, said the BBC stood by its report.

Taking part in a discussion with Mr Geldof, Mr Whitehead said the BBC had "quite a lot of evidence" to support the report.

The World Service report featured interviews with two former members of a rebel group who made the allegations dating from the mid-80s.

They told the BBC they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money which they used to fund attempts to overthrow the government.

Gebremedhin Araya and Max Peberdy
Gebremedhin Araya (L) says he posed as a merchant to get aid

One rebel leader estimated that $95m (£63m) from Western governments and charities, including Band Aid, was diverted.

The CIA also alleged aid money was being misused, Mr Whitehead pointed out in a radio discussion.

He accepted the 1985 report from the crime agency was written before Band Aid had gone into Ethiopia, but said it established "a pattern" that international aid was being used for military purposes.

The report concluded: "Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes."

Mr Geldof, who was speaking to the BBC from Nairobi, also said one of the sources quoted in the report was a "dissident political exile" who was "not credible".

There is a clear public interest in determining whether some money given as famine relief ended up buying guns and bullets
Andrew Whitehead, BBC World Service

Martin Plaut, the World Service's Africa editor who broke the story, said a lot of his nine-month investigation was spent trying to corroborate or dismiss events.

He said: "We came across a lot of other evidence which made it clear that yes, indeed, some of the money had gone astray."

He added that the "balanced, measured" programme had gone through the entire BBC editorial process and had not simply been "thrown on air".

Mr Geldof and the Band Aid Trust are taking their complaint to the broadcasting regulator Ofcom.

They and a number of other agencies, including Oxfam, the Red Cross, Christian Aid and Save The Children, are also writing to chairman of the BBC Trust, Sir Michael Lyons.

John Kennedy, a co-founder of the Band Aid Trust, said: "The trust is writing to the BBC and Ofcom to complain about the broadcast."

A Christian Aid spokeswoman confirmed it was planning to support the complaint.

Bob Geldof has challenged the BBC to substantiate its report that millions raised for famine relief in Ethiopia were diverted to pay for weapons.

The anti-poverty campaigner said there was "not a shred of evidence" Band Aid or Live Aid money was siphoned off.

The report included claims that substantial sums of aid that went into rebel-held areas of Tigray province in 1985 were used to buy arms.

The BBC World Service has said it is standing by its report.

Mr Geldof told BBC One's Andrew Marr show he would personally sue the Ethiopian government and spend the money on aid if any evidence was produced.

'Credible voices'

He said: "Produce me one shred of evidence and I promise you I will professionally investigate it, I will professionally report it, and if there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government for that money back and I will spend it on aid.

"There is not a single shred of evidence that Band Aid or Live Aid money was diverted in any sense, it could not have been."

The news and current affairs editor at the World Service, Andrew Whitehead, said the BBC stood by its report.

Taking part in a discussion with Mr Geldof, Mr Whitehead said the BBC had "quite a lot of evidence" to support the report.

The World Service report featured interviews with two former members of a rebel group who made the allegations dating from the mid-80s.

They told the BBC they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money which they used to fund attempts to overthrow the government.

Gebremedhin Araya and Max Peberdy
Gebremedhin Araya (L) says he posed as a merchant to get aid

One rebel leader estimated that $95m (£63m) from Western governments and charities, including Band Aid, was diverted.

The CIA also alleged aid money was being misused, Mr Whitehead pointed out in a radio discussion.

He accepted the 1985 report from the crime agency was written before Band Aid had gone into Ethiopia, but said it established "a pattern" that international aid was being used for military purposes.

The report concluded: "Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes."

Mr Geldof, who was speaking to the BBC from Nairobi, also said one of the sources quoted in the report was a "dissident political exile" who was "not credible".

There is a clear public interest in determining whether some money given as famine relief ended up buying guns and bullets
Andrew Whitehead, BBC World Service

Martin Plaut, the World Service's Africa editor who broke the story, said a lot of his nine-month investigation was spent trying to corroborate or dismiss events.

He said: "We came across a lot of other evidence which made it clear that yes, indeed, some of the money had gone astray."

He added that the "balanced, measured" programme had gone through the entire BBC editorial process and had not simply been "thrown on air".

Mr Geldof and the Band Aid Trust are taking their complaint to the broadcasting regulator Ofcom.

They and a number of other agencies, including Oxfam, the Red Cross, Christian Aid and Save The Children, are also writing to chairman of the BBC Trust, Sir Michael Lyons.

John Kennedy, a co-founder of the Band Aid Trust, said: "The trust is writing to the BBC and Ofcom to complain about the broadcast."

A Christian Aid spokeswoman confirmed it was planning to support the complaint.

Ethiopians arise against those racist so called Christian aid. They gave the money for food for the hungry to TPLF to buy wapons and kill Ethiopians.

18 years later we are ruled by viciouse dictator thanks to Christian aid

Gebremedhin Araya and Max Peberdy
Gebremedhin Araya (L) says he posed as a merchant, but was in fact a rebel

 

By Martin Plaut
Africa analyst, BBC News

Millions of dollars in Western aid for victims of the Ethiopian famine of 1984-85 was siphoned off by rebels to buy weapons, a BBC investigation finds.

Former rebel leaders told the BBC that they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money.

They used the cash to fund attempts to overthrow the government of the time.

One rebel leader estimated $95m (£63m) - from Western governments and charities including Band Aid - was channelled into the rebel fight.

The CIA, in a 1985 assessment entitled Ethiopia: Political and Security Impact of the Drought, also alleged aid money was being misused.

Its report concluded: "Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes."

Multiple rebellions

The crisis in 1984 prompted a huge Western relief effort, spearheaded by pop star Bob Geldof's Band Aid campaign and Live Aid concerts.

ETHIOPIA FAMINE
Live Aid concert
Roughly one million Ethiopians died from results of famine
Disaster exacerbated by civil war
Huge Western relief effort led by pop star Bob Geldof
Live Aid concerts raise more than $60m (£40m)

Although millions of people were saved by the aid that poured into the country, evidence suggests not all of the aid went to the most needy.

At the time, the Ethiopian government was fighting rebellions in the northern provinces of Eritrea and Tigray.

Much of the countryside was outside of government control, so relief agencies brought aid in from neighbouring Sudan.

Some was in the form of food, some as cash, to buy grain from Ethiopian farmers in areas that were still in surplus.

Max Peberdy, an aid worker from Christian Aid, carried nearly $500,000 in Ethiopian currency across the border in 1984.

He used it to buy grain from merchants and believes that none of the aid was diverted.

"It's 25 years since this happened, and in the 25 years it's the first time anybody has claimed such a thing," he says.

He insists that to the best of his knowledge, the food went to feed the starving.

CIA INTELLIGENCE
CIA report into Ethiopia aid crisis
Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes

But the merchant Mr Peberdy dealt with in that transaction claims he was, in fact, a senior member of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF).

"I was given clothes to make me look like a Muslim merchant. This was a trick for the NGOs," says Gebremedhin Araya.

Underneath the sacks of grain he sold, he says, were sacks filled with sand.

He says he handed over the money he received to TPLF leaders, including Meles Zenawi - the man who went on to become Ethiopia's prime minister in 1991.

Mr Meles, who is still in office, has declined to comment on the allegations.

But Mr Gebremedhin's version of events is supported by the TPLF's former commander, Aregawi Berhe.

Now living in exile in the Netherlands, he says the rebels put on what he describes as a "drama" to get the money.

"The aid workers were fooled," he says.

He says that some $100m went through the hands of the TPLF and affiliated groups.

Some 95% of it was allocated to buying weapons and building up a hard-line Marxist political party within the rebel movement.

Both Mr Aregawi and Mr Gebremedhin fell out with the TPLF leadership and fled the country.

Cannot play media.You do not have the correct version of the flash player. Download the correct version

Michael Buerk's 1984 report in Ethiopia which shocked the world

Much of the money that ended up in the TPLF's hands was channelled through affiliated groups such as the Relief Society of Tigray.

Band Aid's accounts show that it gave almost $11m to the society and other groups close to the rebels, but the charity has declined to comment.

Soviet confrontation

It should not be forgotten that this all took place at the height of the Cold War.

The Soviet Union had poured $4bn into Ethiopia, and provided Soviet officers to direct Ethiopia battles against the rebels.

ASSIGNMENT
Assignment logo
Assignment is a weekly current affairs programme reporting from locations around the globe for the BBC World Service
It is first broadcast on Thurday at 1005 GMT, and repeated at various times throughout the week .
It is also available to download as a podcast

In January 1983, President Ronald Reagan issued National Security Directive 75, which aimed to confront the Soviet Union across the developing world.

"US policy will seek to limit and destabilise activities of Soviet Third World allies and clients," it said.

In a November 2009 speech, US Secretary of Defence Robert Gates - who was deputy head of the CIA during Mr Reagan's time in office - said that the president's approach was to "impose ever stiffer costs on the Soviet Union for its Third World adventurism".

He included Ethiopia among the states in which "Soviet surrogates soon faced their own lethal insurgencies".

Mr Gates was unwilling to expand on whether the US backed the Ethiopian insurgents.

But since there were only a limited number of rebel movements, the suggestion cannot be ruled out that the CIA not only knew about, but supported, the diversion of aid funds to the TPLF.

Ethiopia famine aid 'spent on weapons'

woensdag 3 maart 2010 13:57
Gebremedhin Araya and Max Peberdy
Gebremedhin Araya (L) says he posed as a merchant, but was in fact a rebel

 

By Martin Plaut
Africa analyst, BBC News

Millions of dollars in Western aid for victims of the Ethiopian famine of 1984-85 was siphoned off by rebels to buy weapons, a BBC investigation finds.

Former rebel leaders told the BBC that they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money.

They used the cash to fund attempts to overthrow the government of the time.

One rebel leader estimated $95m (£63m) - from Western governments and charities including Band Aid - was channelled into the rebel fight.

The CIA, in a 1985 assessment entitled Ethiopia: Political and Security Impact of the Drought, also alleged aid money was being misused.

Its report concluded: "Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes."

Multiple rebellions

The crisis in 1984 prompted a huge Western relief effort, spearheaded by pop star Bob Geldof's Band Aid campaign and Live Aid concerts.

ETHIOPIA FAMINE
Live Aid concert
Roughly one million Ethiopians died from results of famine
Disaster exacerbated by civil war
Huge Western relief effort led by pop star Bob Geldof
Live Aid concerts raise more than $60m (£40m)

Although millions of people were saved by the aid that poured into the country, evidence suggests not all of the aid went to the most needy.

At the time, the Ethiopian government was fighting rebellions in the northern provinces of Eritrea and Tigray.

Much of the countryside was outside of government control, so relief agencies brought aid in from neighbouring Sudan.

Some was in the form of food, some as cash, to buy grain from Ethiopian farmers in areas that were still in surplus.

Max Peberdy, an aid worker from Christian Aid, carried nearly $500,000 in Ethiopian currency across the border in 1984.

He used it to buy grain from merchants and believes that none of the aid was diverted.

"It's 25 years since this happened, and in the 25 years it's the first time anybody has claimed such a thing," he says.

He insists that to the best of his knowledge, the food went to feed the starving.

CIA INTELLIGENCE
CIA report into Ethiopia aid crisis
Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes

But the merchant Mr Peberdy dealt with in that transaction claims he was, in fact, a senior member of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF).

"I was given clothes to make me look like a Muslim merchant. This was a trick for the NGOs," says Gebremedhin Araya.

Underneath the sacks of grain he sold, he says, were sacks filled with sand.

He says he handed over the money he received to TPLF leaders, including Meles Zenawi - the man who went on to become Ethiopia's prime minister in 1991.

Mr Meles, who is still in office, has declined to comment on the allegations.

But Mr Gebremedhin's version of events is supported by the TPLF's former commander, Aregawi Berhe.

Now living in exile in the Netherlands, he says the rebels put on what he describes as a "drama" to get the money.

"The aid workers were fooled," he says.

He says that some $100m went through the hands of the TPLF and affiliated groups.

Some 95% of it was allocated to buying weapons and building up a hard-line Marxist political party within the rebel movement.

Both Mr Aregawi and Mr Gebremedhin fell out with the TPLF leadership and fled the country.

Cannot play media.You do not have the correct version of the flash player. Download the correct version

Michael Buerk's 1984 report in Ethiopia which shocked the world

Much of the money that ended up in the TPLF's hands was channelled through affiliated groups such as the Relief Society of Tigray.

Band Aid's accounts show that it gave almost $11m to the society and other groups close to the rebels, but the charity has declined to comment.

Soviet confrontation

It should not be forgotten that this all took place at the height of the Cold War.

The Soviet Union had poured $4bn into Ethiopia, and provided Soviet officers to direct Ethiopia battles against the rebels.

ASSIGNMENT
Assignment logo
Assignment is a weekly current affairs programme reporting from locations around the globe for the BBC World Service
It is first broadcast on Thurday at 1005 GMT, and repeated at various times throughout the week .
It is also available to download as a podcast

In January 1983, President Ronald Reagan issued National Security Directive 75, which aimed to confront the Soviet Union across the developing world.

"US policy will seek to limit and destabilise activities of Soviet Third World allies and clients," it said.

In a November 2009 speech, US Secretary of Defence Robert Gates - who was deputy head of the CIA during Mr Reagan's time in office - said that the president's approach was to "impose ever stiffer costs on the Soviet Union for its Third World adventurism".

He included Ethiopia among the states in which "Soviet surrogates soon faced their own lethal insurgencies".

Mr Gates was unwilling to expand on whether the US backed the Ethiopian insurgents.

But since there were only a limited number of rebel movements, the suggestion cannot be ruled out that the CIA not only knew about, but supported, the diversion of aid funds to the TPLF.

An opposition candidate for Ethiopia’s federal parliament was stabbed to death by six men in his home in the country’s northern Tigray region early this morning, said Negasso Gidada, a leader of the Medrek opposition alliance.

Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes was a member of an ethnic-Tigrayan opposition party allied with Medrek that was challenging Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front in elections scheduled for May.

Negasso spoke in a phone interview today from Addis Ababa, the capital.

To contact the reporter on this story: Jason McLure in Johannesburg at

BEIRUT — The Lebanese military says naval commandos have recovered the cockpit voice recorder belonging to the Ethiopian Airlines jet that crashed last month into the Mediterranean.

The Boeing 737 crashed on Jan. 25, just minutes after takeoff from Beirut during a thunderstorm. All 90 people on board died.

The plane's data flight recorder was retrieved among the plane's wreckage last week and was flown to France for analysis.

Part of the cockpit voice recorder was retrieved in the same area last Wednesday, but officials said it was missing its memory voice recorder.

An army statement said that recorder was retrieved Tuesday.

Both black boxes will be analyzed by BEA, a French agency that specializes in assisting with technical investigations of air crashes.

BEIRUT — The Lebanese military says naval commandos have recovered the cockpit voice recorder belonging to the Ethiopian Airlines jet that crashed last month into the Mediterranean.

The Boeing 737 crashed on Jan. 25, just minutes after takeoff from Beirut during a thunderstorm. All 90 people on board died.

The plane's data flight recorder was retrieved among the plane's wreckage last week and was flown to France for analysis.

Part of the cockpit voice recorder was retrieved in the same area last Wednesday, but officials said it was missing its memory voice recorder.

An army statement said that recorder was retrieved Tuesday.

Both black boxes will be analyzed by BEA, a French agency that specializes in assisting with technical investigations of air crashes.

  • Play CBS Video Video Ethiopian Adoption Scam?

    Questions are being raised about the legitimacy of Ethiopian adoptions after a girl claims an agency bought her in Ethiopia and placed her for adoption in the U.S. Armen Keteyian investigates.

  • Meya tells CBS News her father was paid to give up his kids in Ethiopia.

    Meya tells CBS News her father was paid to give up his kids in Ethiopia.  (CBS)

(CBS) 

Videotapes showing poor orphans from third world countries melt the hearts of prospective parents every day in this country.

Three children, sisters from Ethiopia are shown in a video - ages, you are told, 7, 4 and 6. Their mother is dead, their father dying of AIDS. A life of prostitution is all but assured - if not adopted - saved - by a loving American family.

It was just such a pitch that spoke to Katie and Calvin Bradshaw, reports CBS News chief investigative correspondent Armen Keteyian. They adopted all three girls through a U.S. agency, Christian World Adoption.

"Aside from the gender of the children, everything else proved to be a complete lie," said Katie.

In truth, the three sisters, Journee, Maree and Meya - were actually much older: 13, 6 and 11.

While their mother was dead, their father was healthy and very much alive. He was living, by local standards, a middle-class life - an extended family able to take care of the girls as middle sister Meya showed us first hand.

"My godmothers, my aunt, those are my mom's friends, my uncles, my dad, my dad's friends, that's my brother," she said.

In the last year adoptions from Ethiopia to the U.S. have skyrocketed - growing faster than any other country in the world. They have risen from 731 in 2006 to more than 2,200 last year. That's nearly six children per day.

Now a CBS News investigation has discovered that growth has turned Ethiopia into fertile ground for child trafficking - a country in which some American agencies and their staff engage in highly questionable conduct.

More Information for Potential Adoptive Parents:
Joint Council on International Child Services
U.S. State Department List of Accredited Agencies
Parents for Ethical Adoption Reform
Ethica: an Impartial Voice for Ethical Adoption Practices


Adoptive families allege that many children brought to the U.S. are not even orphans, that prospective parents are misled about a child's health and background, that local families are recruited - and sometimes even paid - to give up their kids.

Which the Bradshaw sisters say is exactly what happened to them.

"Your dad was paid," Keteyian asked Meya.

"Yes," she said.

"From Christian World Adoption," Keteyian asked.

"Yeah," she replied.

"For you to be adopted?"

"Yup."

"You were sold?"

"Yeah," she said.

Christian World Adoption is one of 70 agencies licensed to operate in Ethiopia. Beyond the alleged payment to their father, the Bradshaw sisters say they were told by local employees of Christian World they were only coming to America for an education; that they could return home when school was out. Not true. In fact it's virtually impossible to reverse an adoption in Ethiopia.

"I thought I was going to be kind of like an exchange student," Journee said. "Honestly, I never knew that I'm going to be here forever."

"We have watched our kids grieve and cry and scream and melt down from the bottom of their souls over the loss of their country and their family," Katie Bradshaw said.

A 2007 video shows Christian World representatives entering an Ethopian village and appearing to recruit children from poor villagers - an unethical practice against Ethopian law.

"If you want your child to be adopted by a family in America you may stay," said Michelle Gardner. She spoke those words on a tape produced by Christian World for American parents seeking to adopt in Ethiopia. And now says she deeply regrets it.

"I was aware of a number of times when things were problematic," she said. "And several families where children came over and the children didn't understand that the adoption was permanent."

Christian World was founded back in 1991 by Bob and Tomilee Harding. In 2008, records show, the non-profit agency took in nearly $6 million dollars - charging a fee of about $15,000 per child.

Citing ongoing litigation, the Hardings declined to speak with CBS News at their offices in Charleston, South Carolina.

One such case, filed last month, includes charges of "wrongful adoption," "fraud" and "intentional misrepresentation."

"How do you respond to charges that CWA knowingly deceived or misled adoptive parents through the adoption process in Ethopia?" Keteyian asked.

"Those allegations are completely unfounded," said Curtis Bostic, attorney for CWA. He told CBS News he was prohibited by law from discussing specific adoption cases.

"I'm talking to parents who are really upset," Keteyian said. "Who are devastated with their dealings with CWA."

"Sometimes, people are upset when they just simply misunderstand things," Bostic said. "I believe that's exactly what you're hearing. There have been thousands and thousands of adoptions conducted by CWA all over the world. Is there going to be a handful of folks who misunderstand, who - or who aren't happy with their adoption? There's going to be, and we regret that."

The Bradshaw family lives with its own set of regrets. Parents who trusted and believed they were doing the right thing. The three young girls are learning to adopt a life far from the country they still call home.

Ethiopia's newest and biggest hydroelectric power station has been shut down due to a tunnel collapse weeks after its official opening. The hydropower project has been surrounded by controversy since its inception.   

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi pushed a button last month symbolically opening the Gilgel Gibe Two hydropower station. The 420 megawatt project, southwest of Addis Ababa, would increase Ethiopia's electricity generation capacity by 38 percent.

The opening ceremony was broadcast live on Ethiopian television, and Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini was there. Italy helped finance the $600 million project, which was constructed by the Italian hydropower firm Salini.

But 10 days after the inauguration, Italian public television  reported Gilgel Gibe Two had been forced to shut down. It said the closure was due to a collapse in a 26 kilometer long tunnel that shoots water to the station's four massive turbines from a dam on the Omo River far above.

Officials of Salini and the Ethiopia Electric Power Corporation refused to comment. But a statement posted on the Salini website refers to "an unforeseen geological event" that provoked a cave-in and a huge rock fall involving about 15 meters of the tunnel.

The statement notes Gilgel Gibe was built in Africa's Great Rift Valley, and refers to the tunnel as an "outstanding engineering achievement" because it cuts through "complex geological formations."  

The statement says Gilgel Gibe will be out of operation for two months.

Critics such as Caterina Amicucci of the watchdog group Campaign for Reform of the World Bank says Gilgel Gibe has been surrounded by controversy since Salini was awarded a no-bid contract in 2004. In a telephone interview from Rome, Amicucci alleged the contract violates both Italian and Ethiopian laws, and was awarded without adequate feasibility studies or required environmental permits.

"All the area is a seismic area," said Caterina Amicucci. "It's a fault. The whole Rift Valley is a huge fault.  So the tunnel crosses 26 different fault points, and it seems that this is one of the main problems. All of these elements, they were not highlighted in the environmental impact assessment studies."

Amicucci says contracts for hydropower projects usually assign responsibility for failures to the construction firm. In this case, however, she says an exception was made because of the geological risk, leaving Ethiopia's government responsible for the cost of repairs.

Amicucci says more investigation is needed to determine whether the collapse was due to an 'unforeseen geologic event', as the company says, or something else.

"They are saying this is a geological problem, but this is not sure. It's not clear exactly what is the cause," she said. "What is the reason behind this collapse of the tunnel? If it's a problem of the quality of the infrastructure, or if there is an external problem due to the geological configuration of the area."

The tunnel collapse has at least temporarily halted Ethiopia's plans to solve its chronic power shortage and become an exporter of electricity to other power hungry countries in East Africa.

Salini is already working on Gilgel Gibe Three, a 240-meter-high dam with more than four times the generating capacity of Gilgel Gibe Two. The company says Gilgel Gibe Three is about one-third complete.
 
Critics, however, are urging a closer look at its environmental impact, and urging international financial institutions not to fund its completion.

Bodies recovered from crashed Ethiopian Airliner

Evidence has reached debkafile's counter-terror sources that the Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 737-800 which crashed after takeoff from Beirut on January 25, killing all 92 aboard, was blown up in mid-air.
This was an al-Qaeda operation timed for one month to the day after its failed attempt to destroy an American Northwest airliner bound for Detroit.
It is becoming clear that either a bomb was planted on the Ethiopian flight with a timer or a passenger acted as suicide bomber.
Western security agencies in the Middle East involved in combating al Qaeda believe that its planners picked on the Ethiopian flight for more than one reason apart from the date: They had been tipped off that a group of French undercover agents, including Maria Sanchez Pietton, wife of the French ambassador to Beirut, and top Hizballah operatives, including secretary general Hassan Nasrallah, would be aboard.
Mme Pietton lost her life in the crash, while the Hizballah travelers were saved by switching to another flight at the last minute.
The first bodies recovered from the Mediterranean off the Lebanese town of Naama showed all the hallmarks of explosion victims: They were found strapped to their seats with their heads, hands and feet blown off and scattered, typical effects of an explosive blast. 
Eye-witnesses at the time heard a loud explosion and saw the plane enveloped in a ball of fire as it gained altitude after takeoff from Beirut international airport.
Both France and Hizballah have denied they were targets.

Lebanese officials, led by prime minister Saad Hariri, have spent two weeks trying to hide the fact that the Ethiopian airline disaster was caused by terror. But Lebanese health minister Jawad Khalifeh gave the game away by a slip of the tongue Tuesday, Feb. 9:  “The plane exploded during flight and the cabin, as well as the bodies of those on board, were dispersed into the sea, in different locations,” he said, trying to explain why some of the corpses were found dismembered.
He then tried to correct himself by saying he "didn't mean a military explosion."

More confirmation of a terrorist hand behind the attack is found in the deep involvement of US intelligence, including the FBI, in the investigation of the disaster from the first moment. The US survey ship Ocean Alert was dispatched to the area of the crash and dropped a miniature submarine into the depths to retrieve fragments of the airliner from the seabed.
 A US intelligence and naval headquarters was set up at Beirut harbor to coordinate the salvage of the plane from the sea. Treating the crash as terror-related, Washington ordered the plane to be reconstructed from recovered fragments to establish the site of the explosion and its cause.

US officials are also shy of discussing the case in public and admitting the crash was caused by an act of terror.  It took place on January 25, shortly after President Barack Obama said “Al-Qaeda has been weakened." In an address to the American people to calm their anxieties after the Nigerian would-be bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab had failed to detonate explosives carried in his underwear.
Al Qaeda's success in blowing a civilian airliner out of the sky over the Middle East proved the opposite. It therefore became the subject of a comprehensive cover-up, joined by France. Before the black box, recovered Tuesday, had even been examined, French sources announced that human error by the pilot was the cause of the Ethiopian airliner crash.
debkafile's counter-terror sources recall a previous al Qaeda attack on a civilian airliner in the Middle East.

Six years ago, on January 8, 2004, an Egyptian charter blew up after takeoff at Sharm al-Sheikh for Cairo, killing all 148 French citizens aboard on their way back to Paris from a Red Sea vacation.
Neither Cairo nor Paris ever admitted that the disaster was caused by terrorists

An Alitalia plane approaches to land at Fiumicino International Airport in Rome, September 25, 2008.

An Alitalia plane approaches to land at Fiumicino International Airport in Rome, September 25, 2008.

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopian Airlines said on Wednesday it still believed sabotage may have caused the crash of one of its aircraft off Lebanon last month which killed all 90 people on board.

A source familiar with the investigation into the accident told Reuters on Tuesday the team concluded pilot error was to blame after examining the airliner's flight recorders.

"Ethiopian Airlines does not rule out all possible causes including the possibility of sabotage until the final outcome of the investigation is known," the company said in a statement, adding that media reports of pilot error were "speculative".

The Boeing 737-800 crashed minutes after taking off from Beirut en route to Addis Ababa in stormy weather on January 25.

The Lebanese Army said the plane had broken up in the air before plummeting into the sea. Witnesses described it as crashing in a ball of flame.

The airline said only the data recorder had been found.

"The cockpit voice recorder and the aircraft wreckage are not yet retrieved for analysis. It is therefore too early to conclude the cause of the accident," the company said.

A team of Lebanese, French and Ethiopian officials went to France on Monday to analyse the data recorder, or "black box".

Lebanese officials say the pilot failed to respond to the control tower's instruction to change direction, even though he acknowledged the request.

The plane made an unexpected sharp turn before disappearing off the radar, the Lebanese transport minister said at the time.

The eight-year-old plane, carrying mostly Lebanese and Ethiopian passengers, last had a maintenance check on December 25 and no technical problems had been found.

Since retrieving the data recorder from the sea on Sunday, Lebanese and international search teams have located parts of the fuselage, where most of the bodies were believed trapped.

At least 23 bodies have been recovered

Lebanese Search Team

Lebanese Search Team

BEIRUT — A senior Lebanese security official says search teams have retrieved the second black box belonging to the Ethiopian Airlines jet that crashed into the Mediterranean Sea last month.

The Boeing 737 crashed on January 25, just minutes after takeoff from Beirut during a fierce thunderstorm. All 90 people on board died.

Passenger jets carry two black boxes — a data flight recorder and a cockpit voice recorder. The data flight recorder was retrieved on Sunday and flown to France for analysis.

The security official says the cockpit voice recorder was retrieved Wednesday. He says it would also be flown to Paris.

The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to give official statements to the media.

 

Ethiopian plane 'exploded' after take-off

dinsdag 9 februari 2010 19:58

Feb 08, 2010

Civil defence workers carry parts from the Ethiopian airliner, January 29, that crashed off Lebanon's …

Civil defence workers carry parts from the Ethiopian airliner, January 29, that crashed off Lebanon's …

BEIRUT (AFP) – An Ethiopian jet which crashed off Lebanon's coast last month exploded after take-off, Lebanon's health minister said on Tuesday in the first such official comment since the mysterious crash.

Remarks by Jawad Khalifeh could not be immediately confirmed by other officials in Beirut and came as Ethiopian Airlines said one of the plane's black boxes has been sent to France for analysis.

"The plane exploded during flight and the cabin, as well as the bodies of those on board were dispersed into the sea, in different locations," Khalifeh said to explain why some corpses were found dismembered.

"The first bodies which have been retrieved following the crash were intact but after that, we began to find body pieces or mutilated corpses," he told reporters.

Transport Minister Ghazi Aridi refused to comment on the reported explosion. "I have no information about this," he told AFP.

Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 737-800 plunged into the Mediterranean before dawn on January 25, just minutes after take-off from Beirut airport during a storm.

It was bound for Addis Ababa with 83 passengers and seven crew on board. No survivors were found and searchers have been struggling to recover bodies as most victims were believed to be still strapped to their seats.

There have been conflicting reports as to whether the jet exploded while airborne or after it hit the water, and officials have said there will be no answers until the data from the black boxes is analysed.

Lebanon has ruled out sabotage, blaming the bad weather for the tragedy, and officials have said the captain was instructed by the control tower to change to a certain heading but then the aircraft took a different course.

Experts have told AFP that the stormy weather may not have been the only reason for the crash, and that the aircraft may have had engine or hydraulics problems.

Witnesses have said they saw a ball of fire as the plane plunged into the sea and a defence ministry official said on the day of the tragedy that the plane broke into four pieces before crashing in the Mediterranean.

Lebanese army divers retrieved one of the plane's two black boxes on Sunday and Ethiopian Airlines said it has been sent to France for analysis.

"We cannot say when we'll have news because it is a process and there is an investigation," spokeswoman Wogayehu Terefe told AFP in Addis Ababa.

Wogayehu said more bodies had been retrieved but said they were still waiting for an exact figure. Twenty three bodies had been found by Sunday.

The probe into the mysterious crash is being carried out by a Lebanese commission with support from a French body responsible for technical investigations of air accidents.

US and Ethiopian investigators are also involved.

Lebanese civil defence workers carry remains of the Ethiopian Airlines plane that crashed into the Mediterranean sea on Monday, at a beach in Khaldeh, south of Beirut, January 29, 2010. REUTERS/ Sharif Karim

BEIRUT (Reuters) - Search teams have identified the location of main segments of the Ethiopian Airlines plane that had crashed off the coast of Lebanon last month killing all 90 people on board, the Lebanese transport minister said on Saturday.

World

"We have pinpointed the location of the main parts of the plane at a depth of 45 meters (148 ft) under water. This is a very big progress," Ghazi Aridi told Reuters. When asked if that constituted the plane's fuselage, Aridi said it was still too early to determine that.

He said the "Ocean Alert" vessel was combing that part of the Mediterranean and taking pictures for search teams to have a better idea of the find.

The Boeing 737-800 plane was carrying mostly Lebanese and Ethiopian passengers and was headed to Addis Ababa on January 25. It crashed minutes after taking off from Beirut in stormy weather, plunging in a ball of fire in the sea.

Lebanese and international search teams have been scouring the Mediterranean along Beirut's coast to look for the bodies of victims and wreckage of the plane.

The U.S. navy vessel, USS Ramage, located the flight recorders some 1,300 meters underwater on January 27 but has yet to retrieve them.

The flight recorders should shed light on why the pilot did not respond to a request to change direction even though he acknowledged the control tower's commands.

The plane had apparently made a sharp turn before disappearing off the radar. Lebanese officials have said it was too early to draw any conclusion of pilot error.

At least 15 bodies and some body parts have been recovered.

The eight-year-old plane last underwent a maintenance check on December 25 and no technical problems were found.

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